Credit: Andreea Campeanu/Reuters via Gallo Images
By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, May 27 2025 – On 6 December 2024, Romania’s Constitutional Court made an unprecedented decision: with just two days to go before a presidential runoff expected to bring a far-right, Russia-sympathising candidate to power, the court took the extraordinary step of annulling the election due to evidence of massive Russian interference. It was the first time an EU member state has cancelled an election over social media disinformation. It may not be the last.
Romania’s six-month electoral crisis, which finally concluded on 18 May with centrist Nicușor Dan’s runoff victory over far-right nationalist George Simion, offers both a stark warning and a glimmer of hope for democracies worldwide. The crisis began when Călin Georgescu, an obscure far-right candidate who’d consistently polled in single figures, shocked the political establishment by coming first in the November 2024 presidential first round with close to 23 per cent of the vote. A NATO-sceptic and Russia sympathiser, Georgescu benefited from what was later revealed to be a sophisticated disinformation campaign orchestrated by a ‘state actor’ widely understood to be Russia.
The interference wasn’t crude or obvious. Russia had spent years building a meticulously designed disinformation ecosystem, exploiting many Romanians’ deep-seated frustrations with economic hardship, widespread corruption and political stagnation. With over 22 per cent youth unemployment, wages among the EU’s lowest and trust in institutions at historic lows, Romania presented fertile ground for anti-establishment appeals. The timing of the interference was surgical: it was activated at the most politically opportune moment to maximise impact.
What distinguished Romania’s experience from previous Russian interference campaigns in votes from Brexit and Donald Trump’s first victory to elections in nearby Georgia and neighbouring Moldova was that authorities identified and acknowledged the manipulation while the electoral process was still live. Declassified intelligence documents revealed a massive campaign on TikTok, including AI manipulation and bot-driven activity, designed to tilt the election in Georgescu’s favour. Disinformation exploited legitimate grievances to seed elaborate conspiracy theories that portrayed Romania as a victim of EU, NATO and western elites. The European Commission subsequently launched proceedings against TikTok for failing to properly assess and mitigate risks to election integrity.
Both the first-round results and the court’s decision to annul the election triggered protests that laid bare Romania’s deep social divisions. Immediately after the results were announced, thousands of students and young people gathered in Bucharest’s University Square chanting ‘No fascism, no war, no Georgescu!’. When the election was cancelled, Georgescu’s supporters denounced it as a manoeuvre to prevent their victory. Amid intense polarisation, authorities arrested several armed men heading to Bucharest to participate in protests with axes, guns, knives and machetes in their vehicles.
When the rescheduled election took place in May 2025, it delivered another dramatic upset. With Georgescu barred from running, George Simion of the Alliance for the Unity of Romanians emerged as the far-right standard-bearer, winning the first round with almost 41 per cent of the vote. The runoff became a referendum on Romania’s future direction: on whether it would continue its European orientation or pivot towards the regressive, Moscow-friendly stance taken by leaders of countries such as Hungary and Slovakia.
Russia’s disinformation campaign didn’t stop with the election annulment. Instead, it redoubled its efforts to sow distrust and further polarise voters, including through AI-generated smear campaigns against Dan.
Dan’s victory with almost 54 per cent of the vote provided reassurance to Romania’s western partners, but the margin was uncomfortably narrow. More troubling still, Simion refused to accept defeat, challenging the results at the Constitutional Court on unsubstantiated grounds of electoral fraud and alleging ‘foreign interference’ by France, Moldova and ‘others’. When the court quickly threw out his case, Simion called his defeat a coup, echoing dangerous Trump-like rhetoric that is becoming all too common around the world.
Romania’s experience exposes both the resilience and fragility of democracy in the digital era. The institutional response – from the Constitutional Court’s decisive action to civil society’s mobilisation – showed that democratic safeguards can function under extreme pressure. Yet the fact that around 40 per cent of voters backed far-right politicians reveals the depth of public disillusionment.
Many Romanians still feel cheated and denied their say. This sense of grievance provides fertile ground for divisive narratives to take deeper root, while neither the economy nor politics are currently in good enough shape to deliver on people’s rightful expectations.
Romania’s electoral saga serves as a cautionary tale. It points at both the vulnerabilities that can be exploited and the defences that can be mounted. Sophisticated disinformation campaigns can indeed be identified and countered – but only through vigilant institutions, engaged civil society and citizens committed to democratic values. The price of failure isn’t just political crisis but lasting damage to the foundations of democracy.
Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Senior Research Specialist, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.
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